BP’s Deepwater Horizon oil spill and the need for Human Rights Impact Assessments

Three years after the collapse of the financial system, triggered by the credit default of thousands of american households, and three months after the collapse of BP Deepwater Horizon oil rig, the never-ending question of how to internalize externalities could not be more at stake. The big question raised by these events (or chain of events) is how to ensure that risk management systems, both at company and society level -meaning by the financial market through its various forms: ensurance, derivatives, securities etc…-, make sure that low-probability events such as the explosion of the Deepwater Horizon drilling platform are properly factored in. Or, in other words, that the costs of these contingencies are rationnaly allocated to the risk-owners and not transfered de facto to society as a whole.

John Sherman, in its column Whose risk is it? Viewing corporate catastrophe through a human rights lens and Raymond M. Brown in BP Executives’ Human-Rights Miscalculation: Have They Bet the Company? help to answer this question by advocating for a widespread use of Human Rights Impact Assessments, an extended version of Environmental Impact Assessments or Management Systems (EMS), by the corporate world.

The traditional ways for companies to address risk are to bear the risk, to avoid it, to reduce it, to share it, to shift it, to pool it, to hedge it, or to diversify it away. Choosing among these tools raises few ethical implications for voluntary transactions, like contracts between businesses. However, such concerns may arise when companies lead others to assume risks that they aren’t aware of and haven’t agreed to bear. Selling toasters that can to burst into flame, selling toxic financial assets whose failure can trigger a global recession, and drilling in deepwater with no capacity to deal with the consequences of a runaway leak, are examples of subjecting others to risks without their knowledge or consent. By taking into account the human rights dimension of such risks, and engaging with those who may be harmed by such risks, companies can address this potential ethical problem.

… and take stock of the huge costs incurred by disputes between corporations and stakeholders today’s economy:

Viewed wholly from a shareholder perspective, the risks of infringing on human rights can cost a company big money, and so should be included in any company risk analysis. As the SRSG noted in his 2010 report to the UN Human Rights Council, a study of the oil and gas industry found that the risks to exploration from disputes between oil explorers and external stakeholders has been growing much faster than the technical risks of getting oil out of the ground. And one oil and gas company estimated that over a two-year period, it lost US$6.5 billion in value from such ‘above ground’ disputes with communities. These disputes can cause disruption and delay in financing, construction, and operations, greatly distract senior leaders’ attention, swiftly ruin a company’s reputation, and lead to the loss of its legal and social licence to operate. And that list doesn’t include the obvious risk of litigation, which is hugely expensive and distracting regardless of who wins.

BP’s repeated allegations of negligence in the matter of Health&Safety, since the Texas Refinery (2005) until the Deepwater Horizon catastrophy (2010), fuels the theory that BP executives deliberately assumed unreasonable risks in order to cut costs and save time, thereby giving a tangible example that proves a contrario the potential cost of incomplete risk management:

Ironically, BP itself was an early and successful user of human rights impact assessments, or HRIAs (for its its Tangghu LNG plant in Indonesia, for example), but did not use such a tool to assess the potential impacts of its deepwater drilling in the Gulf from the perspective of those whose rights would be violated by a runaway spill

… The theory that BP executives deliberately assumed unreasonable risks in order to cut costs and save time has already been advanced in several quarters, including in a preliminary report of the House Commerce Committee by its chairman, Henry Waxman. The charge has been echoed by the populist voice of Kindra Arnesen, a fisherman’s wife from Louisiana, whose criticism inspired BP to bring her inside its councils and to observe its deliberations. She has publicly alleged that BP talked—during its cleanup and emergency-response phase—of cutting clean-up costs and of assembling clean-up workers temporarily for “balloon and pony” shows when the media or high-ranking political officials visited key sites.

… What should the informed executive take away from the BP spill? Clearly, the massive debacle that BP now faces on all flanks could have been avoided or minimized by institutionalizing HRIAs enterprise-wide in the due-diligence process, including projects in economically developed hosts. To be sure, it would have shone light on disaster preparedness. The costs of an HRIA in contrast to BP’s massive expenses from the harm it has done simply pale by comparison. In the process of avoiding comparatively small costs, or perhaps just through miscalculation, BP has made itself inimical to all stakeholders—investors, customers, employees, inhabitants, government and regulators.

In support of those who argue that ‘negligence’ was the main factor in BP’s accident, here is a summary of New York Times article Oil Rig’s Owner Had Safety Issue at Three Other Wells published in August 2010:

Transocean, owner of the Deepwater Horizon oil rig that exploded in the Gulf of Mexico in April 2010, reportedly commissioned a safety risk analysis of its Houston headquarters and four Gulf of Mexico rigs, including Deepwater Horizon, just one month before the oil spill. This confidential report allegedly indicates that problems were found in all rigs, including potential causes of the explosion. The report allegedly highlights problems with the ballast system, the practice of deferring maintenance to save money, dozens of equipment deficiencies, and fear of reprisal for reporting safety issues. The report found that these problems “may lead to loss of life, serious injury or environmental damage”. One of the investigated rigs is reportedly leased by BP to dig the relief well and stop the spill.

In sum, BP’s experience seems to illustrate the need for a better understanding by corporations of their interactions with their environments, including environmental matters but also human rights issues, as they relate to the anticipation of worst-case-scenarios.

A Human Rights Impact Assessments necessarily makes explicit tensions between parties like BP and inhabitants, but the process allows coexistence based on the evaluation of worst-case scenarios (eg, ‘What if the rig explodes?’) and the rank ordering of rights combined with substantive remediation plans and processes. A Human Rights Impact Assessments would have erased the widening gap between BP’s business interests and the destruction of industries, livelihoods and the environment.

The benefits of the Due Diligence approach to keep human rights on the radar, is being advocated for by John Ruggie, UN Special Representative for Business and Human Rights:

“[I have] maintained that the widening gaps between the scope and impact of economic forces and actors, and the capacity of societies to manage their adverse consequences, were unsustainable. These governance gaps … provide the permissive environment for wrongful acts by companies of all kinds without adequate sanctioning or reparation.”

If the Double Standards theory, exemplified by the discrepancy between Shell’s practices in the Nigeria’s Niger Delta and in developped countries, support the assumption that human rights are sufficiently protected in Western countries and that Impact Assessments should be restricted to Environmental Management Systems (EMS) or Assessment- then I hope that BP’s story will shed a different light.

Olistik Team

French companies Veolia Transport and Alstom in the Jerusalem Railway Project : A case for the Corporate Sphere of Influence and Complicity to Human Rights Abuse concepts?

In Jan 2010, Ahmed Rweidi, an advisor to Mahmoud Abbas, President of the Palestinian Authority, announced that Palestinian officials will again call on Arab countries to cut business ties with Veolia and Alstom. Veolia (formerly Vivendi Environnement and Cie Generale des Eaux) and Alstom are involved in the construction of a Jerusalem-based light railway or tramway project that is planned to link West Jerusalem with the ring of illegal Jewish settlements in the West Bank. Veolia and Alstom have been under international pressure to withdraw from the project, and accused of violating the provisions of the Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949.

The international convention prohibits an occupying state from transferring parts of its own civilian population into an occupied territory but also the demolition of all property by the occupiers unless this destruction is necessary for military operations. Also, The 242 UN resolution of the Security Council, and all subsequent resolutions on the subject, considered the eastern part of Jerusalem and specifically the Old City of Jerusalem as an integral part of the territories of the West Bank and Gaza that Israel has occupied after the 1967 war. On the same grounds, Amnesty International published a statement (2006) protesting against the project.

Over the last few years, the companies were subject to growing criticism. Among others, a Dutch Fund (ASN) divested from these companies reportedly due to ethical concerns. Also both firms have lost public tenders in Sweden, UK and France, arguably based on the same grounds (see below sources for more information).

While the Jerusalem’s first light rail has been tested in 2010 and passenger service is supposed to begin end 2010, the two firms are involved in legal battles in France. In April 2009, the Tribunal de Grande Instance de Nanterre (High Court of Nanterre) has declared that it has jurisdiction to hear the legal claim brought by French-Palestinian association AFPS (Association France-Palestine Solidarité) against Véolia Transport and Alstom. Despite an appeal by Veolia and Alstom to contest this decision at the Cour d’appel de Versailles (Court of Appeal of Versailles), the Court confirmed confirmed its decision in Dec. 2009. The case is ongoing and a session at the French court should be held in summer 2010 to finally make a decision over the content of the complaint.

According to the official Veolia’s position on its website in May 2009, ‘We [Veolia] believe that the guarantees we can provide to the international community regarding the impact of the JLRT’s [Jerusalem Light Railway] operation on human rights are greater than any other alternative solution. This is the reason why we do not intend to withdraw. However, if the illegality of our presence were definitely established by a French or recognized international court, we would withdraw. If it is brought to our attention, once we start to operate the light rail, that there are discriminatory practices either in the recruitment of employees or in the freedom of access, we would withdraw.’

Some information unveiled in the press in May 2010 seems to contradict Veolia’s official version. According to the Associated Press, Veolia is in the process of transferring its 5 percent share in the Jerusalem rail project to Israel’s Dan bus company. Veolia reportedly insisted it is a strict business decision.

The proposed sale would have still have to be approved by the consortium, which may take several years. The adverse consequences on the firms’ reputation and licence to operate is hence not over and may have been underestimated by the companies’ executives. According to Palestinian newspapers, the campaign has cost Veolia some USD7 billion worth of contracts.

Regardless of the result of the legal procedure taken against the companies in France, the underlying moral objections against business involvement in occupied territories, such as Caterpillar’s involvement in the building of the wall in Palestine, Kbr Inc’s past role in Irak war or Total’s in Angola and Burma, remain and are subject to widespread debate. While stakeholders’ criticism and legal prosecutions, arguably consubstantial to these types of companies’ risky businesses, have not always deterred them to operate in such areas, the actual financial impact due to shareholders’ divestment and large-scale loss of contracts may have proved more consequential in the Jerusalem Railway Project case.

Olistik Team

To digg further:
- The Associated Press; 29.01.10
- http://www.france-palestine.org/article14356.html
- http://www.usinenouvelle.com, February 2010
- http://www.haaretz.com/news/palestinians-hope-to-derail-jerusalem-light-rail-project-1.262414
- http://www.sustainable-development.veolia.com/en/Articles/20090629,jlrt.aspx

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